France Backs Israel: Paris Avoids Taking a Stand Against Tel Aviv
webangah News Agency,International Desk: Dr. Hadi Dowlatabadi, professor of French studies at the University of Tehran, believes that France’s policy toward Iran should be understood through it’s consistently critical approach. He also asserts that when forced to choose between aligning with Iran or Western allies,France unconditionally sides with the West. however, he highlights an vital distinction in France’s approach regarding the recent Gaza war.
Below is the full interview with Dr. Hadi Dowlatabadi conducted by webangah News Agency’s international desk.
What was the official stance of the French government on the recent 12-day war between Iran and Israel? Was this different from past positions?
France typically adopts a critical view toward Iran in all matters involving Tehran.Historically,since World War II and especially during France’s Fourth Republic,there has been a supportive orientation in Paris toward Israel.
The French position on this 12-day conflict can be divided into two phases: first targeting military commanders and figures linked to nuclear and defense sectors; second focusing on civilians-specifically Evin Prison-where two French nationals were incarcerated for espionage during the attack. Despite being critics of Iran’s nuclear and missile programs, France avoided taking a direct stand against Israel when invited by Iran to do so. Instead, Paris called for restraint and sought to revitalize diplomatic efforts.
As an expert in discourse analysis,how did major French media frame their coverage of this war? Did their narratives align mainly with Western positions or show more diversity?
A wide spectrum of French visual media covered these events extensively. Both iranian specialists residing in France as well as local analysts were invited to provide commentary-most Iranian expatriates condemned Israeli attacks openly. The ambassadors from both Iran and Israel were invited separately; their perspectives received significant attention.
thus, we observed diverse approaches within French media-including analyses focused on Iranian nuclear capabilities and missile power.
In your view, what impact will this conflict have on relations between Iran and the European Union-especially France?
This war itself does not noticeably affect EU-Iran relations concerning sanctions but depends heavily on how Tehran behaves moving forward: cooperation or non-cooperation with international agencies like the IAEA; granting inspectors access to evaluate damages; complying or withdrawing from agreements such as the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
The U.S.’s airstrike against Iranian nuclear sites clearly demonstrated Europe’s limited role in nuclear negotiations recently.
However, europe maintains influence via mechanisms like triggering snapback sanctions under Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) commitments where European signatories remain engaged.
How representative are candid remarks such as those by Jean-Noël Barrot describing “a direct threat from Iran to regional peace” regarding Macron’s broader policy?
This threat-focused perspective towards Iran has been visible since early 2010 within high-level strategic defense documents shaping French policy.
France has consistently held a critical view toward Tehran-not unique to Macron’s administration but persisting through Sarkozy’s presidency-and later Hollande’s era when his delegates played roles akin to “bad cop” negotiators during nuclear talks.
You are well acquainted with France’s political landscape; during this crisis period how did right-wing parties (like Les Républicains & Rassemblement National) differ from left-wing groups (such as La France Insoumise & Socialists) in their analysis or responses?
The ideological divide is quite clear: differences emerge not only domestically but also over foreign affairs.
Left-wing factions themselves diverge: Socialists traditionally hold better ties with israel while La France Insoumise strongly criticized Israeli actions-and applied similar positions concerning Iran.
Meanwhile we see shifts within far-right circles known historically for anti-Semitic stances-their recent pivot includes expressions supportive of Israel including party leader visits there.
This underscores distinct divisions across political parties’ approaches towards these conflicts in contemporary France.
How do Emmanuel Macron’s recent statements-including phone calls with Netanyahu emphasizing “Iranian restraint”-fit within an independent framework for French foreign policy? Is true independence still relevant or is alignment increasingly clear toward NATO and U.S. positions?
France’s stance must be viewed primarily through its ongoing critical lens regarding Tehran.
More broadly we witness essential contrast rooted in regime types: Islamic Republic versus secular republic remain factors informing perceptions.
Since after 1979 revolution days onward,
France criticizes religious dimensions underpinning Hasan Rouhani’s government;
regional policies driven by attempts expanding anti-Western ideology generate apprehension among Paris policymakers;
Iranian missile/nuclear development projects are perceived primarily as countermeasures directed against Western powers-and especially their regional partners including Israel plus Arab states surrounding them.
The choice facing Paris between rapprochement towards Tehran or its allied western powers overwhelmingly favors alliance continuity with Western/NATO campings:
Yet notable divergence arises over Gaza war response reflecting elements aligned instead along Arab policy history where criticism directed at Israeli actions remains intact within official circles.
Hence,*French foreign policy shows genuine independence vis-à-vis palestine while maintaining firm western-aligned posture vis-à-vis broader Iranian challenges.*…..</pawriting-eslint_WARNING_WARNINGS-only-2 characters-paw VAN_praximate.en]</pawriting-eslint_WARNING_WARNINGS-only-2 characters-paw VAN_praximate.en]
