US Concerns Grow as Saudi-China Ties Strengthen
According to the International Desk of Webangah News Agency, in recent years, the strengthening ties between China and Saudi Arabia have emerged as a significant development in the global system. This shift is not only reshaping traditional Middle East dynamics but also has deeper roots in the structure of great power competition. The relationship between Beijing and Riyadh, which began in the 1990s, was initially limited to energy cooperation but has since evolved into a multilayered and strategic partnership.
President Xi Jinping’s historic visit to Riyadh in December 2022, marked by the signing of a comprehensive strategic partnership agreement, signaled a new phase in which the two countries intend to expand their cooperation beyond economics into areas such as technology, security, infrastructure, culture, and regional politics. This transformation coincides with a relative decline in Saudi Arabia’s confidence in Washington’s policies and China’s efforts to expand its global influence, making this partnership a major challenge for the United States in the new era of great power competition.
Within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, China needs sustainable access to energy resources and secure trade routes. Saudi Arabia, with its oil-based economy and ambitious Vision 2030 program, seeks to attract foreign investment, transfer technology, develop new energies, and create a political balance between East and West. This alignment of interests has fueled the growth of bilateral relations at both the strategic and operational levels.
The ongoing cooperation between China and Saudi Arabia directly and indirectly affects the interests of the United States, which views it as a multilayered threat with economic, security, geopolitical, and financial dimensions. Washington sees this cooperation not as a simple bilateral relationship but as a link in China’s broader effort to reshape the global order.
Over the past three decades, relations between China and Saudi Arabia have grown significantly, evolving into one of the world’s most complex and multifaceted bilateral partnerships. Saudi Arabia, the world’s largest oil exporter, now supplies about 18 percent of China’s oil imports, a level of energy dependence that has steadily deepened relations. Chinese companies have undertaken dozens of major projects in Saudi Arabia, ranging from the construction of low-power nuclear reactors to the development of 5G networks, construction in NEOM, investment in petrochemical industries, and the creation of joint industrial parks.
Politically, the two countries cooperate based on the principle of “non-interference,” which is important for Saudi Arabia in the face of Western human rights pressures and provides China with political support on issues such as Xinjiang and Hong Kong. Unlike the United States, China has never critically addressed the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, the war in Yemen, or human rights issues in Saudi Arabia, leading Riyadh to view relations with Beijing as a stable and low-cost pillar.
Another key aspect is security cooperation, which dates back to the purchase of Chinese-made ballistic missiles in the 1980s. This cooperation has now entered a more advanced phase, including the production of drones in Saudi Arabia, joint exercises, intelligence sharing, and the development of military capabilities. Exercises such as Blue Sword 2025 indicate that Beijing and Riyadh are not only selling weapons but also moving towards security convergence. Saudi Arabia, relying on Chinese technology, is trying to localize part of its military capabilities, reducing Riyadh’s traditional dependence on American weaponry.
One of the most significant areas of concern for the United States is the impact of Chinese-Saudi cooperation on the global economic and financial order. Since the 1970s, the power of the dollar has been based on the “petrodollar system,” in which global oil is mainly traded in dollars, ensuring global demand for the currency. However, China has recently tried to conduct part of its energy trade in yuan, and when President Xi Jinping proposed using yuan in oil transactions during his 2022 visit to Saudi Arabia, Washington viewed it as a direct threat.
If Saudi Arabia, as the largest oil exporter, conducts even part of its oil sales to China in yuan, it could gradually weaken the petrodollar structure and undermine the dollar’s position in global trade. The presence of Chinese companies in major Saudi projects has also created other concerns for the United States. Companies such as Huawei and Sinopec have captured a significant share of sensitive Saudi markets previously dominated by Western companies. This shift deprives American companies of significant economic opportunities and directly affects Washington’s economic influence.
Joint projects in solar energy, hydrogen, and transportation infrastructure within the framework of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 have transformed China from an ordinary partner into a key player in the country’s future economy. This trend has led the United States to worry that its economic influence in one of its most important Middle Eastern allies is diminishing.
In addition to economics, Saudi-Chinese cooperation poses serious geopolitical and security threats to the United States. Since the 1940s, the United States has considered Saudi Arabia a pillar of its security order in the Middle East, and the Riyadh-Washington alliance has been a key tool for American influence in the region. However, Saudi Arabia’s rapprochement with China has challenged this position. Saudi Arabia’s joining the Belt and Road projects, creating joint transportation corridors, and positioning Riyadh as an energy hub between Asia, Africa, and Europe allows China to extend its influence from East Asia to the heart of the Middle East, creating a network of economic dependencies that directly shifts the region’s balance of power.
From a military perspective, Chinese-Saudi cooperation is also a major challenge for Washington. Saudi Arabia has long been the largest buyer of American weapons but now procures a significant portion of its military needs from China, including combat drones that the United States was unwilling to provide due to export restrictions. The establishment of Chinese drone production lines in Saudi Arabia and the expansion of joint military cooperation indicate that Saudi Arabia’s traditional dependence on the United States is decreasing, a change that could limit America’s control over the region’s arms balance.
The expansion of Saudi-Chinese relations is not just a bilateral development but has global implications that could gradually alter the international order. This partnership offers a new model of relations between economic powers and developing countries, based on cooperation on shared economic interests, technology development, and political non-interference. This model is attractive to many countries, and Saudi Arabia’s support for Chinese initiatives, including the Global Security Initiative, could help strengthen Beijing’s position in the world.
If more countries follow Saudi Arabia’s lead and move towards using the yuan, the dollar’s role in the global economy may face serious challenges. The increasing role of China in the Middle East also makes the strategic competition between Beijing and Washington more complex. The United States may be forced to adopt stricter policies to curb Chinese influence, from diplomatic pressure and sanctions to increased military presence in the region. This multifaceted competition is likely to extend to other arenas such as Africa, Asia, and the energy sector. Saudi-Chinese cooperation also serves as a model for countries such as the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and even Turkey, which are trying to strike a balance between East and West. If this trend continues, it could contribute to the formation of a multipolar order in which American power is less dominant than in the past.
In conclusion, the Saudi-Chinese rapprochement is one of the most important geopolitical developments of the modern era, transforming not only bilateral relations but also affecting the global balance of power. This broad cooperation, from energy and economics to technology and security, is a serious warning to the United States that its traditional influence in the Middle East is eroding. The threats arising from this trend are multilayered, ranging from the potential weakening of the petrodollar to the expansion of Chinese technology in the region, from the military rapprochement between Riyadh and Beijing to the reduction of Saudi Arabia’s dependence on American weapons.
If the current trend continues, China will not only be a powerful economic partner for Saudi Arabia but also a player that can shift the balance of power in the Middle East and even the global financial order. During Mohammad bin Salman’s recent trip to Washington, the United States attempted to weaken Riyadh-Beijing relations. Extensive agreements were signed in the fields of defense, artificial intelligence, nuclear energy, and investment to reduce Saudi dependence on Chinese technology and capital. Increased Saudi investment in the United States and the signing of strategic memoranda of understanding in the field of rare mineral resources and advanced technology projects were among the goals of the United States to maintain its influence in the region and reduce Saudi Arabia’s reliance on Beijing. However, the extent to which these agreements can be implemented remains a significant question.
