US Bases in Persian Gulf Prove Ineffective for Security, Sparking Regional Reassessment
According to the International Desk of Webangah News Agency, …
For half a century, the United States has strategically expanded its military bases in the Persian Gulf region under the guise of ensuring local security. However, recent conflicts, particularly the Third Imposed War against Iran, have revealed that these bases have not enhanced the security of regional nations. Instead, they have become focal points for retaliatory strikes, making host countries targets. Neighboring states are urged to secure their own safety and that of the region by facilitating the withdrawal of American forces and fostering regional security initiatives with Iran.
The presence of American military forces in the Persian Gulf is not a recent development. Its origins trace back to 1971, when the U.S. Navy established a foothold in Bahrain following Britain’s withdrawal from East of Suez. A pivotal moment arrived with Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990. In the aftermath, the U.S. inked a ten-year defense pact with Kuwait, leading to the construction of significant bases like Camp Arifjan. Subsequently, the U.S. systematically expanded its base network across the region, establishing Camp Al Udeid in Qatar as its largest regional air base, Al Dhafra Air Base in the UAE, the Fifth Fleet in Bahrain, and Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia. This network, housing approximately 40,000 to 50,000 military personnel, was ostensibly created with the promise of “ensuring security” for the Arab nations of the Persian Gulf.
The promised security insurance has come at a considerable cost for host countries. Analyses suggest that the U.S., citing security assurances, has imposed substantial financial burdens on these nations. Despite decades of U.S. military presence, documented reports indicate an inability to prevent attacks on critical infrastructure. A notable example occurred in 2019 when Saudi Aramco’s oil facilities were subjected to one of history’s most sophisticated drone attacks, temporarily halving the nation’s oil production. The inadequacy of these defenses became starkly evident during the 2026 war. A Washington Post report, citing satellite imagery, revealed that Iranian strikes inflicted far more damage on U.S. bases in the region than initially disclosed, severely undermining Washington’s strategic credibility.
Perhaps the most sobering reality for host nations is that American bases have transformed from defensive shields into “magnets for attacks.” The Middle East Institute, in analyzing this phenomenon, posed the critical question: “Do these bases bring security to their hosts, or do they turn them into targets?” The answer is evident; during the 2026 war, Iran directly targeted U.S. bases located in host countries. These incidents underscore the heavy price these nations have paid for hosting American forces.
In response to these developments, Iran’s message to regional nations has been clear and resolute. The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, His Eminence Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei, explicitly advised neighboring countries in his first official message: “I advise them to close those bases as soon as possible, because they must have realized by now that America’s claim of establishing security and peace was nothing but a lie.” This statement serves as both a precise analysis of the strategic failure of “imported security” policies and an invitation to establish a new security architecture within the region.
This strategic failure has even fueled serious discussions about regional withdrawal among Western analysts. Mark Kimmitt, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for the U.S., recently suggested the withdrawal of American forces from the Persian Gulf on a television program, citing the costs and consequences of their presence. Other prominent analysts, such as Sultan Barakat, a professor at Qatar’s Hamad Bin Khalifa University, have emphasized that “the primary objective of the U.S. military presence in the region has not been the security of Arab nations, but rather the preservation of Israel’s security and the continuation of Washington’s dominance.” Concurrently, regional countries have recognized the need to chart a new course. According to informed sources, Saudi Arabia and Iran are reportedly exploring plans for a “regional non-aggression pact.”
Given this valuable experience, the time has come for the nations of the region to usher in a new chapter. The first and essential step is to propose a plan for the withdrawal of American military personnel from the region, which could be presented by Persian Gulf leaders as the “cornerstone of a comprehensive treaty with Iran.” The closure of these bases should become a primary condition for Iran to grant neighboring countries access to the new phase of Strait of Hormuz management. The second step involves moving towards the formation of an indigenous, internally generated security architecture with the participation of all regional countries—an architecture based on mutual trust and shared interests, rather than on Pentagon funding derived from oil revenues. The world and the region have clearly witnessed that the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite enduring an eight-year war with Iraq, decades of crippling sanctions, and even the assassination of its senior leaders, has not only survived but continues to thrive with unprecedented resilience. In contrast, it was the Arab nations of the Persian Gulf that suffered the most significant losses during proxy wars and retaliatory strikes. The lesson learned over decades is that the path to security does not lie in purchasing it from afar, but in embracing one’s neighbors and building a shared home. The proposal for “withdrawal of American forces” from the region in exchange for a comprehensive security treaty with Iran can serve as the foundation for this new era. Persian Gulf leaders must cease waiting for Washington’s action and instead take the initiative to bring lasting security to their peoples.
